Grave Worship

The veneration of graves, a practice deeply rooted in various societies’ cultural and religious fabric, has been a subject of significant debate and transformation within the Islamic tradition. This practice, known as Ziyāra, originates in pre-Islamic times and has evolved considerably with the advent of Islam and its teachings.

Ziyāra, derived from the Arabic root word ” زور”, meaning ‘to visit’, has ancient origins and holds a special place in the religious and cultural traditions of various communities. While the term is broadly associated with visiting revered sites, it primarily refers to the pious visitation of the graves of prophets, saints, and other revered figures in an Islamic context.

In many East Asian cultures, particularly in China and Japan, ancestors are revered and offered regular rituals, believing that the deceased continues to play a role in the lives of the living. They can bring fortune or misfortune based on how they are remembered (Watson, 1988). This practice of ancestral veneration is deeply rooted in the belief that deceased ancestors can influence the lives of their descendants and can provide guidance, blessings, and protection.

Similarly, in ancient civilisations such as the Egyptians, Chinese, and Greeks, strong beliefs about the afterlife and the role of the deceased were held. The Egyptians, for instance, believed in the Ka (spirit) and constructed elaborate tombs and rituals to ensure a safe passage to the afterlife (David, 2002). The construction of grand pyramids and burial tombs in ancient Egypt was a testament to their belief in the continuity of life after death and the importance of providing the deceased with a proper resting place.

The veneration of graves and burial sites was also common in pre-Islamic Arabia, intertwined with the region’s broader cultural and religious landscape. The Arab tribes, influenced by animism, polytheism, and ancestral worship, often revered specific graves, attributing them with sacredness and spiritual power (Edward Pococke, Specimen historiae Arabum (Oxford, 1649).) This reverence was not limited to the Arab tribes alone; ancient Semitic cultures also held similar beliefs and practices (Smith, Lectures on the Religion of the Semites; and Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia.).

The cult of ancestors, where the deceased were believed to possess powers and could intercede for the living, was prevalent (Henninger, ‘Pre-Islamic Bedouin Religion’, pp. 3– 22.). This belief system was manifested in various rituals, including the erection of stones at graves, which, although not a widespread practice, was significant in some instances (Schöller, The Living and the Dead in Islam, pp. 13–22.). In pre-Islamic Arabia, grave veneration was not an isolated practice but was part of a broader tapestry of religious beliefs and rituals. Tombs, graves, and burial sites often became focal points for offerings, supplications, and, sometimes, idolatrous practices (Peters, 1994).

Before the advent of Islam, the Arabian Peninsula was home to various tribal communities, each with its own set of rituals and practices. Among these was the veneration of ancestors and the visitation of their graves, a practice rooted in the belief that the deceased could intercede with the divine on behalf of the living (Peters, 1994). This practice served as a means to maintain a connection with one’s lineage and honour the memory of those who came before.

The veneration of the dead and the reverence for ancestors are practices observed across various cultures and civilisations throughout history. These practices, often deeply rooted in tradition, have shaped societies’ religious, social, and cultural landscapes. Ancestral veneration serves as a means to strengthen family and community ties. By remembering and honouring the dead, the living are reminded of their roots and the values and traditions passed down through generations (Klass, 1996). It provides a moral framework where the living seek to lead virtuous lives to honour their forebears and avoid bringing shame to their lineage (Feuchtwang, 2001).

While Islam acknowledges the importance of honouring the deceased and maintaining a connection with one’s ancestors, it emphasises the principle of monotheism and cautions against practices that may compromise this foundational belief. Islam encourages the remembrance and supplication of the deceased through prayer and acts of charity rather than rituals that may be seen as idolatrous or contrary to the teachings of monotheism.

Throughout history, the erection of memorials and structures over graves has been a common practice across various cultures and civilisations. These structures, ranging from simple stone markers to elaborate mausoleums, commemorate the deceased and symbolise cultural, social, and sometimes political significance. They represent a physical manifestation of society’s respect and reverence for the departed.

These structures often serve as cultural and historical significance markers, preserving the memories of influential figures and events for future generations (Petrie, 2002). The grandeur and intricacy of a memorial can sometimes indicate the social status or the wealth of the deceased or their family, serving as a testament to their prominence in society (Kemp, 2006).

They serve as tangible reminders of individuals’ impact on their communities and the legacies they leave behind.

In the Arabian context, the term “ansāb” (pl. of “nasb”) in Arabic refers to stone markers or pillars, often erected to commemorate significant events, places, or individuals. Historically, these markers have held profound cultural and religious significance in various societies. In pre-Islamic Arabia, they were commonly erected as memorials at burial sites of revered tribal leaders or heroes. These stone markers served as a remembrance of the deceased and a symbol of tribal pride and unity (Hoyland, 2001). The ansāb were often associated with tales of courage, wisdom, and leadership of the heroes they commemorated. These tales were passed down through generations, reinforcing tribal identities and values (Peters, 1994).

While Islam acknowledges and respects the cultural practices of past societies, it guides to ensure that such rules do not deviate from its core monotheistic principles. Islam encourages simplicity and humility in remembrance of the deceased, focusing on prayer and acts of charity rather than elaborate structures or rituals that may be seen as excessive or idolatrous.

The rituals surrounding death and burial have been deeply ingrained in human societies throughout history. These practices, often rooted in cultural and religious beliefs, serve to express grief, honour the deceased, and seek spiritual solace. In pre-Islamic Arabia, it was customary for women to wail loudly and publicly mourn the death of a family member or tribal leader. This ritual, known as “niyāḥa”, was seen as a way to express grief and show respect for the deceased (Jones, 1999).

Animal sacrifices at graves were prevalent, believed to appease the spirits or provide sustenance for the deceased in the afterlife. These sacrifices, often of camels or sheep, were seen as a means to ensure the favour of the departed soul and seek blessings (Peterson, 1997). Various other rituals, such as placing offerings at graves, seeking intercession from the deceased, and holding annual commemorative feasts, were also practised (Watt, 1971).

While these practices were prevalent in pre-Islamic Arabia, Islam guides on matters related to death and burial. Islam encourages individuals to express grief in a dignified manner, without excessive wailing or displays of emotion that may be seen as extreme or contrary to the teachings of the faith. Animal sacrifices are not deemed necessary or encouraged in Islam, as the focus is on prayer, remembrance, and acts of charity to honour the deceased.

The veneration of graves and their associated practices have been deeply ingrained in human societies throughout history. These practices, rooted in cultural, religious, and societal beliefs, honour the deceased, maintain a connection with one’s ancestors, and seek spiritual solace. While Islam acknowledges the importance of honouring the deceased and maintaining a relationship with one’s roots, it emphasises the principle of monotheism and encourages simplicity in remembrance. Islam guides to ensure that practices related to graves and burial align with its core principles and do not deviate into idolatry or excessive rituals.

The advent of Islam in the 7th century CE significantly reshaped the religious and cultural fabric of the Arabian Peninsula. Prophet Muḥammad’s mission was to usher in monotheism while challenging and amending the socio-religious practices of the time, many rooted in preIslamic (Jahiliyya) traditions. The transformation was nuanced, involving a subtle amalgamation of abolishing certain customs and adapting others into the Islamic fold.

Foremost among these challenges was idol worship. The Ka’ba in Mecca, eventually the holiest site in Islam, was once laden with idols. This idolatry was rebuked in the Qurʾān:

سَيَقُولُ ٱلَّذِينَ أَشْرَكُوا۟ لَوْ شَآءَ ٱللَّهُ مَآ أَشْرَكْنَا وَلَآ ءَابَآؤُنَا وَلَا حَرَّمْنَا مِن شَىْءٍۢ ۚ كَذَٰلِكَ كَذَّبَ ٱلَّذِينَ مِن قَبْلِهِمْ حَتَّىٰ ذَاقُوا۟ بَأْسَنَا ۗ قُلْ هَلْ عِندَكُم مِّنْ عِلْمٍۢ فَتُخْرِجُوهُ لَنَآ ۖ إِن تَتَّبِعُونَ إِلَّا ٱلظَّنَّ وَإِنْ أَنتُمْ إِلَّا تَخْرُصُونَ ١٤٨

“Verily! You (O Muḥammad) and those who worship idols are in the same claim (in this matter)” (Qurʾān, 6:148).

The conquest of Mecca facilitated the purging of the Ka’ba and the instilment of monotheistic practices. While some pre-Islamic practices vanished, others integrated into Islam after undergoing modifications. For instance, the Hajj pilgrimage, rooted in pre-Islamic traditions of the Ishmaelites, was reformed to align with monotheistic principles. Additionally, societal norms and customs not contradicting Islamic teachings were preserved.

Hadiths, recording Prophet Muḥammad’s sayings and deeds, were pivotal in this transformation. They either endorsed, amended, or prohibited pre-Islamic practices. His approach was pragmatic, acknowledging the deep-seated nature of certain traditions and advocating gradual change.

There was resistance, particularly from the Quraysh tribe in Mecca, who perceived this transformation as undermining their dominance. Nevertheless, Prophet Muḥammad’s strategic and often conciliatory approach ensured the eventual ascendancy of Islamic practices. Central to this reformation was Tawḥīd, the oneness of God, which the Qurʾān fervently emphasised. One such verse is:

قُلْ هُوَ ٱللَّهُ أَحَدٌ ١

ٱللَّهُ ٱلصَّمَدُ ٢

لَمْ يَلِدْ وَلَمْ يُولَدْ ٣

وَلَمْ يَكُن لَّهُۥ كُفُوًا أَحَدٌۢ ٤

“Say (O Muḥammad): ‘He is Allāh, (the) One. Allāh-us-Samad (The Self-Sufficient). He begets not, nor was He begotten. And there is none co-equal or comparable unto Him.'” (Qurʾān, 112:1-4).

This encapsulates the essence of Tawḥīd, delineating God’s unique nature and unfathomable essence. Moreover, the Qurʾān firmly condemned any form of shirk (associating partners with God):

إِنَّ ٱللَّهَ لَا يَغْفِرُ أَن يُشْرَكَ بِهِۦ وَيَغْفِرُ مَا دُونَ ذَٰلِكَ لِمَن يَشَآءُ ۚ وَمَن يُشْرِكْ بِٱللَّهِ فَقَدِ ٱفْتَرَىٰٓ إِثْمًا عَظِيمًا ٤٨

“Verily, Allāh forgives not that partners should be set up with Him (in worship), but He forgives except that (anything else) to whom He wills.” (Qurʾān, 4:48).

Such teachings deeply influenced Muslim life, from daily prayer rituals to broader ethical guidelines. Historically, Tawḥīd acted as a revolutionary force, overturning the polytheistic beliefs of pre-Islamic Arabia.

While the Qurʾān underscored the principle of Tawḥīd, it did not explicitly forbid visiting graves. Indeed, Prophet Muḥammad visited the graves of his companions, offering prayers for their souls. Over time, visiting the graves of pious individuals became a revered practice among Muslims, viewed as a conduit for spiritual blessings.

However, Ziyāra, or visiting graves, is distinguished from grave worship. While the former serves as a reflective reminder of life’s ephemerality, the latter, bordering on deification, is prohibited in Islam.

The Qurʾān reiterates that true guidance is found not in physical markers or relics but in divine revelation. Practices that might lead to idolatry or associating partners with Allāh, such as venerating heroes to the point of deification, were eschewed.

During the Prophet Muḥammad’s era, the Arabian Peninsula was a diverse tapestry of religious beliefs, including paganism, Judaism, and Christianity. The Quraysh, Mecca’s prominent tribe, staunchly practised polytheism. Meanwhile, Jewish and Christian communities flourished in areas like Medina and Najran.

Concerned about the dilution of Islamic traditions, the Prophet Muḥammad cautioned Muslims against emulating the religious festivals of Jews and Christians. He emphasised the distinct nature of Islamic celebrations, notably Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha (Al-Bukhārī, 952). The qibla, the direction of Muslim prayer, initially faced Jerusalem but was later shifted to the Kaaba in Mecca, reinforcing the distinct identity of Islamic worship (Qurʾān, 2:144).

The Prophet consistently warned against blind imitation, particularly of practices not rooted in Islamic tenets (Al-Nasā’ī, 5371). The Qurʾān, while recognising the validity of earlier scriptures, highlights the alterations made by their adherents:

۞ أَفَتَطْمَعُونَ أَن يُؤْمِنُوا۟ لَكُمْ وَقَدْ كَانَ فَرِيقٌۭ مِّنْهُمْ يَسْمَعُونَ كَلَـٰمَ ٱللَّهِ ثُمَّ يُحَرِّفُونَهُۥ مِنۢ بَعْدِ مَا عَقَلُوهُ وَهُمْ يَعْلَمُونَ ٧٥

“Do you covet that they will believe in your religion when some used to change the Word of Allāh knowingly after understanding it?” (Qurʾān, 2:75).

Furthermore, it cautions Muslims against mindlessly following the majority, who often rely on conjecture rather than truth (Qurʾān, 6:116). Central to the Prophet Muḥammad’s teachings was preserving Islam’s unique identity and purity. While Islam acknowledges all prophets and shares Abrahamic lineage with Judaism and Christianity, it emphasises maintaining clear religious demarcations.

The Prophet ardently promoted pure monotheistic worship, evident in his stance on funerary monuments and the images within the Ka’ba. He counselled against constructing opulent tombs, fearing such edifices might detract from monotheistic devotion (Muslim, 970). He endorsed a minimalist approach to burial, urging for unmarked graves so that the deceased were remembered for their actions, not the grandeur of their resting places (Al-Bukhārī, 1345).

He advocated visiting graves as reflections on the afterlife and the transience of earthly existence (Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, 977). Upholding the ethos of simplicity, he instructed followers on swift and humble burials without undue embellishments. Grave monuments were discouraged to prevent possible veneration and to ensure the unwavering focus on monotheistic worship (Abu Dawood, 3217).

During his visits to graves, the Prophet Muḥammad would supplicate for the departed, reinforcing the continuity of the soul’s journey and the ties between the living and the deceased (Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, 974). He also stressed restraint in mourning, noting that excessive grief could lead to despair (Ṣaḥīḥ Al-Bukhārī, 1292).

While the Qurʾān doesn’t detail burial rites per se, it poignantly speaks of life’s

impermanence:

كُلُّ نَفْسٍۢ ذَآئِقَةُ ٱلْمَوْتِ ۗ وَإِنَّمَا تُوَفَّوْنَ أُجُورَكُمْ يَوْمَ ٱلْقِيَـٰمَةِ ۖ فَمَن زُحْزِحَ عَنِ ٱلنَّارِ وَأُدْخِلَ ٱلْجَنَّةَ فَقَدْ فَازَ ۗ وَمَا ٱلْحَيَوٰةُ ٱلدُّنْيَآ إِلَّا مَتَـٰعُ ٱلْغُرُورِ ١٨٥

“Everyone shall taste death. Only on the Day of Resurrection shall you be fully rewarded. Success is distancing from the Fire and entering Paradise. This world’s life is but deceptive enjoyment” (Qurʾān, 3:185).

The Qurʾān critically assesses pre-Islamic Arabian beliefs, spotlighting their widespread idolatry. One verse captures the era’s dominant polytheistic sentiments, elucidating Islam’s monumental task in promoting monotheism (Qurʾān, 12:106).

The Prophet Muḥammad’s guidance on faith and practice remains paramount for Muslims (Qurʾān, 3:31). His teachings, as well as those of the Ṣaḥāba and the subsequent generations, illuminate the path for Muslims navigating modern complexities. The Prophet’s assertion, “The best of people are my generation, then those who come after them, then those who come after them” (Al-Bukhārī & Muslim, cited in Al-Siba’ī, 2005), accentuates the importance of adhering to the practices of the early Muslim community (Ṣaḥīḥ Al-Bukhārī, 3650).

The era succeeding the Prophet’s passing is critical for its religious precedents, especially regarding grave treatment. The Ṣaḥāba offer invaluable insights into authentic Islamic practices (Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, 2533). Notably, ‘Umar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb, the second Caliph, firmly opposed actions leading to shirk (associating partners with God) (Ṣaḥīḥ Al-Bukhārī, 1344).

He conveyed his intent to level any elevated grave, emphasising the necessity to prevent graves from evolving into worship centres (Ibn Sa’d, Kitāb al-Ṭabaqāt al-Kabīr).

‘Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib, the fourth Caliph and the Prophet’s cousin, also echoed this sentiment, always underscoring God’s unity and discouraging practices deviating from it (Naḥjul Balāgha, Sermon 124). Records from this period indicate proactive measures, such as demolishing structures over graves, to mitigate excessive veneration, a custom prevalent in pre-Islamic Arabia (Ibn Kathīr, Al-Bidāya wa’l-Nihāya).

In his Kitāb al-Waṣīla, Ibn Taymiyyah delves into these matters, spotlighting the uniform
stance of early Muslims on grave rituals. He emphasises their unwavering commitment to
maintaining the sanctity of Tawḥīd (Islamic monotheism) (Qurʾān, 112:1-4).

Islam persistently highlights God’s oneness, warning against idolatry (Qurʾān, 4:36). The Qurʾān reiterates monotheism’s significance and the dangers of associating partners with Allāh (Qurʾān, 6:151). And, while the Qurʾān doesn’t directly prohibit depicting living beings, Ḥadīth literature records the Prophet’s disapproval of illustrating animate entities, especially in worship precincts (Ṣaḥīh Al-Bukhārī, 5950).

Iconoclasm has deep roots in Sunni Islam, traceable to early Caliphs, particularly during the Umayyad and Abbasid periods (Esposito, 2002). Caliphs like Yazīd II promulgated decrees for removing images from both public and private spheres, fortifying religious orthodoxy (Lassner, 1980).

Islam’s extension beyond Arabia prompted exchanges with myriad cultures, each introducing its practices and convictions. Such interactions instigated shifts in customary Islamic rites, notably concerning graves, as the burgeoning Islamic empire in the 7th and 8th centuries engulfed territories like Persia and Egypt with deep-rooted veneration traditions (Hodgson, 1974).

Ṣūfism, intrinsic to Islam, though anchored in its early days, matured over epochs. Revered Ṣūfi figures amassed vast discipleships. Post-demise, their graves occasionally transformed into ziyārat sites (Chittick, 1983). While Ṣūfism focuses on soul sanctification and drawing near to Allāh, certain rites within some Ṣūfi circles faced scrutiny by traditionalist scholars, particularly grave adoration, in his Majmū’ al-Fatāwā, Ibn Taymiyyah spotlighted these deviations from early Islamic principles.

Grave worship’s evolution in Islamic history epitomises the nuanced interplay of cultural assimilation, theological perspectives, and various Islamic movement emergencies. While Islam’s foundational tenets remain unwavering, immersing oneself in these historical nuances enriches the backdrop for current grave worship discussions (Momen, 1987).

The development of various legal schools marks the history of the Islamic empire, each interpreting Islamic jurisprudence distinctively. While these schools shared agreement on fundamental tenets, they often diverged on secondary issues, notably grave practices (Hallaq, 2005). The growth of the Islamic empire also brought about intricate discussions on grave structures, with distinctions between private and public property becoming paramount for mausoleum constructions (Mortel, 1993).

As Islam integrated with diverse cultures, certain practices emerged that were sometimes viewed as bidʿa by purist scholars, and treatises condemning these practices, mainly related to grave veneration, proliferated (Lucas, 2002). Muslim dynasties, ranging from the Umayyads to the Ottomans, exhibited varying stances towards grave visiting (Flood, 2001). Socio-political, cultural, and religious elements have largely shaped this spectrum of beliefs, practices, and traditions within Islamic history.

The Marwanid era, part of the more extensive Umayyad dynasty, was crucial in establishing the Islamic empire. Their approach to religious practices like grave veneration was, in part, a strategic move to consolidate the diverse Muslim populace, aligned with the Qurʾān’s emphasis on unity (Qurʾān, 3:103; Donner, 2010).

Historically, Islamic rulers have employed funeral monuments as symbols of piety and political tools (Blair, 1995). The eighth century notably saw a societal shift, with campaigns limiting women’s roles in funerary practices (Georgelin, 2010)

Comparing Kufa and Medina, we find contrasting traditions in early Islamic grave practices. As the Prophet’s city, Medina maintained traditions steeped in its unique religious significance (Siddiqui, 1993). Kufa, however, established as a garrison town and later the capital during Ali ibn Abi Talib’s reign cultivated a broader spectrum of funerary customs, influenced by its diverse inhabitants and early Islamic political significance (Madigan, 2009).

Ibn Ḥanbal, founder of the Ḥanbalī school, profoundly influenced Islamic funerary norms. His emphasis on unwavering adherence to the Qurʾān and Hadith informed the Ḥanbalī perspective on grave practices, advocating simplicity and caution against potential innovations (Melchert, 1997; Lucas, 2002).

Throughout the Islamic era, funerary architecture has had dual roles: religious commemoration and political strategy. These monuments, representing both the ruler’s commitment to Islam and their political aspirations, are intertwined with the Qurʾān’s teachings on life’s transience (Qurʾān, 16:96; Hillenbrand, 1994). Across dynasties, rulers have utilised these structures to intertwine their reign with revered religious sites, consolidating power and legitimacy (Bloom, 2001).

Imam Abu Ḥanīfa’s burial site is an example of the ironies in grave veneration. Though he preached simplicity in burial practices, his grave evolved into a pilgrimage site, indicative of the ongoing tension between respect for religious figures and potential excessive veneration (Makdisi, 1997; Dutton, 2002).

The veneration of graves and relics transcends Islam, with roots in other religious traditions like Judaism and Christianity. Judaism, strictly monotheistic, has its traditions of grave reverence, while Christianity’s stance on religious images has evolved (Schwartz, 2001; Pelikan, 1974). The Prophet Muḥammad, mindful of these practices, advised against emulating them to safeguard Islam’s monotheistic core (Ṣaḥīḥ Al-Bukhārī).

The Islamic tradition discerns between grave veneration and honouring the awliyā. Grave veneration entails paying respects at graves potentially seeking blessings. It can inadvertently elevate the deceased to a status reserved for Allah if unchecked. In contrast, honouring the awliyā involves drawing inspiration from their pious lives, though this too can tread the delicate line between reverence and excessive veneration (Qurʾān, 2:163; Tayob, 1999).

At the heart of Islamic tenets is Tawḥīd, a steadfast monotheism emphasising the absolute oneness of Allah. With this pillar, questions arise around grave-related customs and whether they tilt towards shirk (attributing partners to Allah) and bidaʻ. Allah condemns associating partners with Him in the Qurʾān:

“Verily, Allah forgives not that partners should be set up with Him (in worship), but He forgives except that (anything else) to whom He wills” (Qurʾān, 4:48).

The Ḥanbalī school, especially under the tutelage of luminaries like Imam Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal and Ibn Taymiyyah, has expressed deep reservations about grave veneration. These reservations are anchored in:

1. Adherence to Ḥadīths highlighting the Prophet Muḥammad’s directives against elevating graves.

2. Disapproval of building mausoleums or elaborate shrines over graves, fearing these might morph into objects of worship.

3. The belief that frequent visits, especially to graves of illustrious personalities, might deviate into practices not sanctioned by Islam.

While visiting graves as a memento mori is endorsed in Islam, the Qurʾān clarifies the ineffectiveness of anything other than Allah:

“And those, whom you invoke or call upon instead of Him, own not even a Qitmīr (the thin membrane over the date-stone)” (Qurʾān, 35:13).

The perspectives of Ibn Taymiyya are deeply rooted in a strict adherence to the Qurʾān and Ḥadīth. His enthusiasm for ensuring undiluted monotheism drove him to question customs, especially those surrounding graves, that appeared influenced by external traditions, thereby straying from core Islamic doctrines.

Yet, when practised with the correct intentions, grave visitation is supported in Islamic tradition. As elucidated by the Prophet Muḥammad: “I had prohibited you from visiting graves, but now visit them for they serve as reminders of the Hereafter” (Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim).

Ibn Taymiyya’s reservations are primarily centred on the potential shirk stemming from excessive adulation at the graves of virtuous individuals and introducing practices inconsistent with the Qurʾān and Sunnah. He notably expressed concerns about the extensive veneration towards the Prophet Muḥammad’s grave in Medina, apprehensive that it could verge on idol worship.

Sunni jurisprudence showcases a range of opinions regarding grave veneration. The Ḥanafīs, for instance, permit grave visits but caution against elaborate rituals (Al-Jassās, 1995). The Mālikīs advocate for Qurʾānic recitation at graves (Ibn ʻAbd al-Barr, 2002), and the Shāfiʿīs emphasise sincerity of purpose (Al-Nawawī, 1999). With their spiritual inclinations, Sufi traditions bring another dimension to these views.

Numerous elements, including globalisation and the ascension of Salafism, mould contemporary dialogues on grave veneration. While a segment pushes for revisiting ‘pristine’ practices, others champion adaptability in light of the multifaceted realities of Muslim societies (Nasr, 2004).

The Qurʾān and Ḥadīth serve as the bedrock, but the ensuing interpretations over millennia have nuanced the discourse on grave veneration in Islam. This highlights the criticality of upholding the sanctity of Tawḥīd, guiding believers to discern between genuine reverence and overstepping into unwarranted adoration. Grave worship and its legitimacy within the Islamic framework has been a topic of contention for centuries. Orthodox Islamic teachings are categorical in cautioning against practices that verge on shirk. However, certain sections within the Muslim community defend specific grave-related practices. Unpacking these arguments and counterarguments sheds light on the intricacies of this discourse.

Arguments Advocated by Proponents of Grave Worship

1. Intercession (Tawassul): A prevailing argument posits that visiting graves and soliciting the intercession of the deceased, notably saints or righteous figures, aids in spiritual proximity to Allah. Given their devout lives, such figures are deemed capable of interceding for the living.

2. Closeness to the Deceased: For some, proximity to the grave of a pious individual or a loved one fosters a dual closeness to both the deceased and Allah. They perceive the grave as a spiritual bridge.

3. Spiritual Experiences: Personal spiritual encounters, such as visions or profound peace during grave visits, justify grave veneration.

Counterarguments Derived from Islamic Scriptures and Traditions

1. Intercession (Tawassul): While Islam acknowledges the principle of intercession, it delineates clear parameters. A hadith from Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim underscores that intercession lies solely with Allah, as the Prophet Muḥammad remarked, “Who among you can intercede with Him except by His Permission?”. This implies that irrespective of the piety of the deceased, intercession’s ultimate authority resides only with Allah.

2. Closeness to the Deceased: Gaining inspiration from the virtuous lives of the deceased is laudable. However, it’s vital to segregate this admiration from seeking barakah (blessings) directly from their graves. The Prophet Muḥammad endorsed grave visits as reminders of mortality and the Hereafter, not as a medium to garner blessings from the departed.

3. Spiritual Experiences: The Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet are the bedrock of Islamic practice. Individual spiritual revelations, albeit profound, should not dictate or establish religious conventions. Given their subjective nature and susceptibility to various influences, personal emotions and experiences are unreliable yardsticks for defining religious practices.

While the rationale for grave worship often stems from personal spiritual and emotional experiences, orthodox Islamic tenets stress the importance of authentic sources. Soliciting intercession, blessings, or aid from entities other than Allah is perceived as a digression from Tawḥīd, the foundational monotheistic principle in Islam.

In conclusion, grave worship is a phenomenon wherein the deceased are venerated or sought for intercession, poses a serious threat to Islam’s pure monotheistic creed. The Qur’ān, Sunnah, and the consensus of classical Islamic scholars serve as evidence against such practices. Allāh warns against setting up partners with Him:

“Verily, Allāh does not forgive that partners should be set up with Him in worship, but He forgives except that (anything else) to whom He pleases” (Qur’ān 4:48).

The Prophet Muhammad said: “Beware! Those before you used to take the graves of their prophets and righteous men as places of worship, but you must not take graves as mosques; I forbid you to do that.” (Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, 532).

Ibn al-Qayyim opined the dangers of grave worship in his work Kitāb al-Ṣalat. He stated that such acts divert one’s devotion from Allāh to the creation, which is a clear deviation from tawḥīd.

Ibn Taymiyyah, in his book Iqtiḍaʾ al-Ṣirāṭ al-Mustaqīm, extensively discussed the prohibition of constructing mosques over graves, citing it as an innovation (bidʿa) and a step towards shirk.

Grave worship, while appearing pious to some, is a perilous route leading away from the teachings of Islam. Its origins can be traced to pre-Islamic practices, where graves and idols were venerated. Furthermore, external influences from neighbouring cultures and religions have also seeped into Muslim practices over time. Finally, in their quest for legitimacy and public approval, certain governments have encouraged or disregarded such acts, seeing them as a means to appease and control the masses.